After last month's Inaugural Address and this month's State of the Union Address, everyone is talking about Barack Obama as a champion of a revived liberalism.
Georgetown historian Michael Kazin, author of American Dreamers: How the Left Changed a Nation, is having none of it. In an article at The New Republic, Kazin explains why Obama should not be seen as liberalism's standard bearer. Here is a taste:
But to believe that Obama has truly revived the great tradition of
egalitarian reform is to neglect the distinction between two species of
modern liberalism: that which promotes the equality of rights and that
which works toward a greater equality of opportunity and wealth. The
latter, the social variety, emerged from the class tumult of the Gilded
Age and inspired such key New Deal measures as Social Security, the WPA,
and the National Labor Relations Act. The former harks back to the
abolitionists and early feminists; it demands that the promise of
individual liberty be extended to every American, regardless of their
skin color, national origin, gender, or whom they happen to love.
Most contemporary liberals support both types. But since the
1950s, they have devoted more time and passion to fighting for
individual rights—and American society has
gradually warmed up to the idea as well. Liberal politicians, spurred by
mass movements, did away with legal segregation and immigration quotas
created by “Nordic” supremacists back in the 1920s, abolished the
barrier between male occupations and female ones, won access for
disabled Americans, and are moving ever closer to legalizing same-sex
marriage. The scrapping of overt job discrimination did help boost the
fortunes of non-whites and women of all races, of course.
Yet
the goal of economic equity for the majority of working Americans now
seems farther away than at any time since the Great Depression. Anyone
who follows the news knows the basics: beginning in the late 1970s,
productivity has shot far ahead of wages, the lion’s share of wealth
growth has gone to the one percent while the wealth of the bottom sixty
percent has declined, the real value of the minimum wage is lower than
it was during the Carter administation, and the percentage of union
members in the private sector is roughly where it was when William
McKinley was president. The real unemployment rate is well above ten
percent, while the poverty rate is sixteen percent, the highest it has
been since LBJ declared a “war” on poverty almost half-a-century ago.
Only federal entitlement programs keep it from rising much further.
What does Obama intend to say or do about these festering failures of politics and policy? Very little, it seems.
Read the rest here.

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